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葛淳宇:苍南闽语的声学语音学研究【语言学及应用语言学】

作者:葛淳宇 导师:胡方  来源:科研处  时间:2017-10-30

摘 要

  苍南县位于浙江省东南部,境内语言状况较为复杂,而苍南闽语,属于浙南闽语的一种,在《中国语言地图集》中被归入泉漳片,境内说这种方言的人数最多。本文从声学语音学的角度对苍南闽语的语音系统进行了较为详细的考察。

  本文所依据的语音材料来自于在苍南县灵溪镇的田野调查。在调查过程中采集了十位发音人(五男五女)的语音材料。基于这十位发音人所提供的语料,本文利用praat进行了声学分析,并用R等统计软件对数据进行了分析与可视化处理。

  本文主要分为五个部分,第一部分为苍南闽语概述,最后一部分为结论,而第二部分至第四部分则从声学语音学角度分别对苍南闽语的辅音、元音、声调进行了详细的描写。概述部分主要介绍苍南的地理位置、历史沿革,以及苍南闽语的历史来源与周边方言的情况,并回顾了前人研究中发现的苍南闽语语音的特点。

  第二部分考察了苍南闽语的辅音。该部分主要讨论作声母的辅音。苍南闽语共有十五个声母,除去零声母外共有十四个辅音。本文将这十四个辅音分为塞音和擦音与塞擦音以及浊塞音和浊擦音三个部分进行讨论。通过考察闭塞段时长、嗓音起始时间 等参数,考察了清塞音与清送气塞音VOT与闭塞段时长的关系。对于擦音与塞擦音,主要通过摩擦噪音段时长、频 谱重心等参数考察了擦音、塞擦音的基本情况。苍南闽语的浊塞音在闭塞段有明显的鼻音,通过考察闭塞段的特点,本文认为应将浊塞音记为鼻冠塞音。浊擦音的情况与浊塞音类似,在摩擦噪音段前有明显的鼻音,应当记为鼻冠擦音[ⁿz]。苍南闽语的鼻冠音处在鼻音逆同化的第二阶段,即闭塞段鼻音部分保留。而边音[l]的鼻音逆同化已经完成,在听感与语图上都表现为典型的边音。

  第三部分从频谱特性、时间结构等角度对苍南闽语不同音节环境中的单元音、双元音和三合元音进行了描写。苍南闽语的单元音呈现为元音三角的模式。其中,高元音与中元音在元音前后区分三个维度,低元音在前后维度没有对立。中元音与后元音区分四个元音高度,而前元音只有三层对立。从频谱特性对双元音进行的考察发现升峰双元音的首成分与尾成分的分布与相应的单元音类似,具有两个声学目标,而降峰双元音的首成分与尾成分的分布与相应的单元音相比离散性更大,只有一个动态目标。鼻化元音的特性主要表现在频谱上,其频谱分布与相应的口元音相比更为平滑,在高元音[i]中还在第一与第二共振峰之间发现了增生的共振峰。

  第四部分主要以基频与时长两个参数来考察苍南闽语的五个声调在单字与载体句中的情况。单字与载体句中的情况基本一致。从基频曲线来看,阴平是一个高平调,阳平是升调,阴上为高降调,阳上为低降调,而去声则是一个低平调。去声虽然表现为下降的基频曲线,但较阳上更平缓,分布在调域的底部。从时长来看,高降调阴上的时长最短,而其他四个声调的时长分布较为集中,没有明显的差异。进入载体句后,声调的时长有明显的萎缩。

  第五部分对苍南闽语的辅音、元音与声调的语音特点进行了概括总结,并对之后的研究作了展望。

  关键词:苍南闽语;鼻冠音;元音;双元音;鼻化元音;声调

  

Abstract

  Cangnan County locates in the Southeast coast of Zhejiang Province, and has a complicated language condition, while Cangnan Southern Min dialect, which belongs to the Southern Min dialect and has been classified as the Quanzhang Region in The Atlas of Chinese Languages, has the largest population in this county. This paper examines the sound system of Cangnan Min dialect from a acoustic phonetic point of view.

  The speech material on which the analysis of this paper relies is achieved in the field work conducted in Lingxi, Cangnan County. Speech materials from ten informants with a balanced sex ratio have been achieved. Praat has been employed to analyze the speech material and the data has been analyzed and visualized in R.

  This paper consists of five parts, the first part being the outline of the Cangnan Min dialect, and the last part the conclusions, whereas the second to the fourth part pertaining to consonants, vowels, and tones, respectively. The first part covers the geographic setting, the history of Cangnan County, with special reference to the historical origin of the Cangnan Min dialect as well as the dialects surrounding it. It has been pointed out the characteristics of the Cangnan dialect which has been reported by the previous studies.

  The second part focuses on consonants. This paper mainly discusses the consonants which can be initials. There are fifteen initials in the Cangnan dialect, with only fourteen consonants. These consonants can be divided into stops and fricatives with voiced stops and fricatives. The relationship between closure duration and VOT in the voiceless stops and voiceless aspirated stops has been examined. Concerning the fricatives and affricates, the noise duration and center of gravity are used as main parameters in describing their properties. The voiced stops in this dialect have obvious nasal murmur during closure period. Through close examination of the properties of the closure period, it is suggested to transcribe the voiced stops as prenasalized stops. The situation of voiced fricatives resembles that of voiced stops, with nasal murmur preceding frication, and should be better transcribed as [ⁿz]. The prenasalized sounds in the Cangnan dialect are in the second stage of anticipatory assimilation of the nasals, in which the nasal has been partly preserved in the closure period. On the other hand, the lateral [l] has finished the assimilation and has been totally oralized, which can be obviously detected both auditorily and in the spectrograms.

  The third part describes the vowels and diphthongs in different syllable environments in terms of spectral properties and temporal organizations. The vowel system exhibits a pattern of vowel triangle, in which the high vowels and mid vowels have three-way contrast in the dimension of backness, and the low vowel does not contrast in backness. The central vowels and back vowels contrast four degrees in vowel height, and the front vowels have only three. Viewed from the spectral properties, the distributions of the first and second elements of the rising diphthongs are comparable to that of the corresponding monophthongs, suggesting there are two acoustic targets, whereas that of the falling diphthongs are much dispersed than the corresponding monophthong, indicating only one dynamic target. The characteristics of the nasalized vowels are mainly in the spectrums, and the LPC spectrums are much smoother than that of the corresponding oral vowels. In the high vowels, such as [i], there are even extra formants between the first and the second formants.

  The fourth part examines the tones in citation forms and in carrier sentences with reference to fundamental frequency and duration. The patterns in citation forms and carrier sentences are consistent. The Yinping tone is a high level tone, and the Yangping tone is a rising tone. The Yinshang is a high falling tone, and the Yangshang is a low falling tone. The Qusheng is a low level tone. Even if the f0 curve of the Qusheng resembles that of the Yangshang as falling, it has a less steep slope, and distributes in the bottom of the pitch range.There is no significant difference between the durations of the four tones except the evidently short duration of the Yinshang. When it comes to the carrier sentence, the durations of all tones shrink remarkably.

  The last part concludes the analyses of the characteristics of consonants, vowels and tones and makes some outlook in the future research.

  Keywords: Cangnan Min dialect; prenasalized stop; vowel; diphthong; nasalized vowel; tone

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