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2018级博士论文 -- 早期北京话若干虚词的个案研究——以“打”“起”“在”“管”“着呢”为中心

作者:语言学系 来源:语言学系 时间: 2022-03-01
字号:

张 渊

(女,2018级博士,专业:汉语言文字学,研究方向:汉语历史语法与历史语义,导师:吴福祥)

 

  摘 要

  本文对早期北京话中“打”“起”“在”“管”和“着呢”的来源及演变进行了讨论。全文一共包括七章,即绪论、五个个案研究和结语。

  第一章为绪论,总结了早期北京话语法的研究概况,介绍了本文的研究对象、研究内容、选题意义、研究方法和语料来源等,并对本文涉及到的语义功能进行了界定。

  第二章以早期北京话多功能介词“打”为研究对象,描写了介词“打”的多功能模式,并对介词“打”不同功能的语义演变路径进行了全面考察。经过考察,早期北京话介词“打”主要有8个功能,即处所、空间源点、空间经由、事物来源、范围源点、时间、时间源点、依据。介词“打”的这些功能都是从“击打”义动词“打”直接或间接演变而来。其具体的语义演变路径为:“击打>空间经由”“空间经由>空间源点”“空间源点>处所>时间”“空间源点>时间源点”“空间经由>时间经由”“空间源点>范围源点”“空间源点>事物来源”“空间经由/空间源点>依据”。“打”是一个非常有特点的动词,我们暂未见到其他“击打”义动词有与其相平行的语义演变过程。

  第三章以早期北京话多功能介词“起”为研究对象,描写了介词“起”的多功能模式,并构拟了“起”不同功能的语义演变路径。早期北京话介词“起”主要有6个功能,即处所、空间源点、空间经由、时间源点、事物来源、范围源点。经考察,介词“起”的具体语义演变路径为:“开始>空间源点”“空间源点>处所”“空间源点>空间经由”“空间源点>范围源点”“空间源点>事物来源”。介词“起”的语义演变路径在汉语史和世界语言范围内都能找到平行演变的实例。

  第四章以早期北京话多功能介词“在”为研究对象,描写了介词“在”的多功能模式,并概括了“在”的语义演变路径。早期北京话介词“在”包括处所、空间源点、空间经由、空间终点、时间、范围、依据、事物来源等8个功能。介词“在”的语义演变也是有理据可循的,其具体语义演变路径为:“存在>处所>空间源点>空间经由”“处所>空间终点”“处所>时间”“空间源点>事物来源”“处所>范围”“处所>依据”。介词“在”的语义演变模式清晰地展现了空间表达形式在语法化过程中的重要地位。

  第五章以早期北京话多功能语素“管”为研究对象,描写了“管”的多功能模式,并结合汉语史和世界其他语言中的平行例证,构拟了“管”的语义演变过程。早期北京话“管”的多功能用法主要表现为作介词表“处置”义、作语气副词表“一定”义、作无条件连词表“任意选择”义。此外,其他方言中“管”还存在两种不见于早期北京话的功能,即表示有生来源和可能的功能。经考察,这些功能都是从动词“管”的“管理”义直接或间接演变而来。换言之,“管”经历了多向的语义演变过程,即“管理>处置>有生来源”“管理>保证>强调”“管理>保证>必然>可能”“管理>理会>任意选择”。由此可知,“管”共时层面的多功能性其实是其历时语义演变的产物。

  第六章以早期北京话语气助词“着呢”为研究对象,在重新梳理语气助词“着呢”语法化过程的基础上,运用语境模型理论,详细分析了语气助词“着呢”的演变过程。考察结果表明,“着呢”由动态助词和语气助词的毗连形式演变为语气助词的过程中经历了许多中间阶段。其中“(时间副词)+A+着+呢”是“着呢”情态义产生的桥接语境。语气助词“着呢”在元代就已经出现。清代出现的“V+着呢”及“程度副词+A+着呢”等新的格式是语气助词“着呢”发展成熟的标志。“着呢”情态义的凝固化与句法环境泛化、语用推理等密不可分。

  第七章是结语部分。本章对本文的个案研究进行了总结,并进一步讨论了世界语言中反复出现的语义演变路径或模式。最后指出了本文的不足之处和今后的努力方向。

 

  关键词:早期北京话;多功能语素;语法化;语义演变

 

  ABSTRACT

  This paper discusses the origin and evolution of da(打),qi(起),zai(在),guan(管),zhene(着呢)in early Beijing dialect. There are seven chapters in this paper, namely, introduction、five case studies and conclusion.

  Chapter one is the introduction,which summarizes the grammatical research achievements of early Beijing dialect, introduces the research object、research contents、significance of the topic、research methods and corpus source of this paper. In addition,the definitions of semantic functions involved in this paper are also given.

  Chapter two takes the polyfunctional preposition da(打) as the research object, describes the polyfunctional pattern of da(打),and makes a comprehensive investigation on the semantic evolution paths of its diverse functions. The morph da(打)in early Beijing dialect mainly has 8 functions :locative、locative source、locative path、object source、scope source、temporal、temporal source、criterion . These functions develop directly or indirectly from the verb da(打) meaning " hit".The semantic evolution paths of da(打) are as follows:"hit > locative path" "locative path > locative source ""locative source > locative> temporal" "locative source > temporal source " "locative path > temporal path ""locative source > scope source""locative source > object source""locative path/locative source > criterion".The morph da(打) is a very especial verb,and we haven't seen any paralleling cases of other verbs whose meanings are "hit".

  Chapter three takes the polyfunctional preposition qi(起)as the research object, describes the polyfunctional pattern of qi(起),and constructs the semantic evolution paths of its diverse functions. The morph qi(起) mainly has 6 grammatical functions:locative、locative source、locative path、temporal source、object source、scope source. Such functions develop directly or indirectly from the verb qi(起)meaning " start".The semantic evolution paths of qi(起)are as follows:"start > locative source ""locative source > locative"" locative source > locative path""locative source > scope source""locative source > object source".We can find some semantic evolution paths of qi(起) recur in ancient Chinese and other languages in the world.

  Chapter four takes the polyfunctional preposition zai(在)as the research object, describes the polyfunctional pattern of zai(在),and summarizes the semantic evolution paths of its different functions. The morph zai(在) as a preposition to encode the semantics of locative、locative source、locative path、locative goal、temporal、scope、criterion 、object source. Its semantic evolution paths are as follows:"exist > locative > locative source > locative path""locative > locative goal""locative > temporal" "locative source > object source""locative > scope ""locative > criterion".The semantic evolution pattern of zai(在) clearly shows the important position of spatial expression in the process of grammaticalization.

  Chapter five takes the polyfunctional morpheme guan(管)as the research object, describes the polyfunctional pattern of guan(管), and constructs the semantic evolution paths of guan(管)referring to the paralleling cases found in ancient Chinese and other languages in the world. The morph guan(管)in early Beijing dialect can be the preposition indicating "disposal"、the modal adverbs indicating "certainly",or the conjunctions indicating "random disjunction".After investigation, we find other two functions of guan(管)which don’t exist in early Beijing dialect, namely,human source and possibility. This chapter figures out the relations between all these functions of guan(管) and proposes the paths of the semantic change of guan(管):"manage > disposal > human source""manage > guarantee > emphatic""manage > guarantee > necessity > possibility""manage > respond > random disjunction".It follows from the above that the versatility of the synchronic level of guan(管) is actually the product of its diachronic semantic change.

  Chapter six takes the pragmatic particle zhene(着呢)in early Beijing dialect as the research object. On the basis of reviewing the evolution path of the pragmatic particle zhene(着呢),and based on the contextual model theory,this chapter further explores the origin and evolution process of zhene(着呢). According to the investigation,we find that there are many intermediate stages in the process of changing from the compound form of dynamic auxiliary zhe(着)and pragmatic particle ne(呢) to a pragmatic particle zhene(着呢). Among them ,"(time adverb)+ A+ zhe(着)+ ne(呢)"is the bridging context in which the modal meaning of zhene(着呢)is the one most likely to be inferred. The appearance of "V+ zhene(着呢)""degree adverb +A+ zhene(着呢)"and other new forms in the Qing Dynasty are signs of maturity of the pragmatic particle zhene(着呢).The solidification of modal meaning is closely related to the generalization of syntactic environment and pragmatic inference.

  The final chapter is the conclusion part,which summarizes the case studies,further discusses the repeated semantic evolution paths or patterns. Finally,the shortcomings of this paper and the direction of future efforts are pointed out.

 

  Key words:Beijing dialect; polyfunctional morphemes ; grammaticalization; semantic change